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1 слабый вариант
Mathematics: weak version (теоремы) -
2 слабый вариант
( теоремы) weak version мат.Русско-английский научно-технический словарь Масловского > слабый вариант
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3 mou
mou, molle [mu, mɔl]━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━1. adjective[substance, oreiller] soft ; [tige, tissu, geste, poignée de main] limp2. masculine nouna. ( = personne) (sans caractère) spineless character ; (apathique) lethargic person ; (trop indulgent) soft personb. [de corde] avoir du mou to be slack• donne un peu de mou pour que je puisse faire un nœud let the rope out a bit so that I can make a knot* * *
1.
1) ( pas ferme) [coussin, matière] soft; [tige, étoffe] limp; [choc] dull2) ( sans tenue) [trait du visage] weak; [chair, ventre] flabby; [cheveux] limp3) ( apathique) [personne] listless; [poignée de main] limp; [croissance, reprise économique] sluggish4) ( sans énergie) [parent, professeur] soft5) ( sans conviction) pej [version, libéralisme] watered-down; [discours, résistance] feeble
2.
nom masculin1) ( personne) pej wimp (colloq)2) ( en boucherie) lights (pl) GB, lungs (pl) US3) ( de corde)donner du mou à quelqu'un — (colloq) fig to give somebody a bit of leeway
* * *mu, mɔl (molle) mol (devant un nom masculin commençant par une voyelle ou un h muet)1. adj1) (sans rigidité) (siège, substance, sol) softMon matelas est trop mou. — My mattress is too soft.
2)4) péjoratif (personne, caractère) spinelessJe le trouve un peu mou. — I think he's rather spineless.
5) (résistance, protestations) feeble2. nm1) (= abats) lights pl lungs pl2) [corde] slack3) péjoratif (= personne) wimp* * *A adj3 ( apathique) [personne, enfant] listless; [poignée de main] limp; [croissance, reprise économique] sluggish;4 ( sans énergie) [parent, professeur] soft, overindulgent;B nm3 ( de corde) slack; avoir du mou to be slack; donner du mou to let (the rope) out a bit; donner/laisser du mou à qn○ fig to give sb/to let sb have a bit of leeway.[mu] (devant nom masculin commençant par voyelle ou h muet mol [mɔl]) ( féminin molle [mɔl]) adjectifmon revers est trop mou my backhand is too weak ou lacks powerallez, rame plus vite, c'est mou tout ça! (familier) come on, pull on those oars, let's see some effort![estompé - contour] soft3. [sans conviction - protestation, excuse, tentative] feeble, weak ; [ - doigté, style] lifeless, dull ; [ - élève] apathetic, lethargic[sans force de caractère] spineless5. LINGUISTIQUE soft————————[mu] (devant nom masculin commençant par voyelle ou h muet mol [mɔl]), molle [mɔl] nom masculin, nom féminin1. [moralement] spineless individual2. [physiquement] weak ou feeble individual————————nom masculina. [cordage] to be slackb. [vis, charnière] to be loose, to have a bit of play3. (très familier & locution) -
4 slàbъ
slàbъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `weak'Old Church Slavic:Russian:slábyj `weak' [adj o]Czech:slabý `weak' [adj o]Slovak:slabý `weak' [adj o]Polish:Serbo-Croatian:slȁb `weak' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf];slȁb `weak, bad' [adj o], slàba [Nomsf];Čak. slȁb (Vrgada) `weak' [adj o], slabȁ [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn];Čak. slȁp (Orbanići) `weak, bad' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn]Slovene:slàb `weak, bad' [adj o], slába [Nomsf]Bulgarian:Lithuanian:slãbnas (Žem.) `weak' [adj o];slõbnas (E. Lith.) `weak' [adj o] \{1\}Latvian:slãbs `weak' [adj o]Indo-European reconstruction: slob-o-Comments: Though Latv. slãbs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings. Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions slãbnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSl. *slàbъ.Other cognates:Notes:\{1\} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slõbnas may be due to an East Lithuanian development (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103). -
5 LJÓSTA
* * *(lýst; laust, lustum; lostinn), v.1) to strike, smite (laust hann sveininn með sprota); l. e-n kinnhest, to give one a box on the ear; hann lýstr ofan í miðjan hvirfil honum, he dealt him a blow in the middle of the crown; laust hann selinn í svima, he stunned the seal (by a blow on the head);2) to strike, hit, with a spear, arrow (þá var Knútr lostinn öru til bana); Þjóstólfr skaut broddi, ok laust undir kverkina, and hit him under the chin;3) phrases, l. árum í sjó, to dash the oars into the sea; l. eldi í, to put fire to; l. e-u upp, to spread a rumour (skal ek þá l. upp þeim kvitt, at); l. upp herópi, to raise the war-cry; l. e-u við e-u, to put forth in defiance against (E. laust skildinum við kesjunni); G. lýstr við atgeirinum, G. parries the blow with the bill;4) impers. illviðri lýstr á, bad weather comes on of a sudden; laust í bardaga með þeim mikinn, it came to a great battle between them; laust hræzlu í hug þeim, they were panic-stricken; e-m lýstr saman, to come to blows, begin to fight; ok er saman laust liðinu, when they came to close fighting; myrkri lýstr yfir, darkness comes on suddenly.* * *pres. lýstr, pl. ljóstum; pret. laust, 2nd pers. laust, pl. lustu; subj. lysti; imperat. ljóst (Þiðr. 323), ljóstú (Kormak); part. lostinn:—a weak pres. lýstir, Grág. ii. 15, Rb. 356; a weak pret. lýsti, Þd. 13 (listi Ed.), Lv. 24, Post., see Lex. Poët.:—to strike, smite, hann hóf upp knatt-tréit ok laust Grím, Eg. 189; ok laust hann sveininn með sprota, Nj. 16; þá reiddisk Þorvaldr ok laust hana í andlitið svá at blæddi, 18; ílla er þá ef ek em þjófs-nautr, ok lýstr hana kinnhest, 75; þá skal ek nú, segir hón, muna þér kinnhestinn þann er þú laust mik, 116, Fms. vii. 157; hann laust við eyra Sámi, Sturl. iii. 123; hann laust milli herðanna Bergi með hjöltunum, Fs. 52; mun þess goldit vera, at þú lýstir mik saklausan, Post.; en þat er Jökull bróðir minn laust þik högg, þat skaltú hafa bótalaust, Fs. 57, Sturl. iii. 26; heldr en þeir lysti á stokk eða stein, Fms. vii. 227; ljósta á dyrr, Finnb.; or ljósta högg á dyrr, Fs. 131; ok laust í höfuð mér svá mikit högg, at haussinn lamðisk, Fms. ii. 188, Bs. i. 335; laust hann selinn í svima, 342; segja menn at hann lysti (subj.) af honum höfuðit, Edda 36; lýstr ofan á miðjan hvirfil … reiðir þá hamarinn af öllu afli ok lýstr á þunn-vangann, 30; lýstr í höfuð honum, 29; ef maðr lýstir mann svá at blátt eðr rautt verðr eptir, Grág. ii. 15; slíkt er þótt knífi sé lostið eða spyrnt, 16; hann lýsti horninu í höfuð honum, Lv. 24; Rútr laust vinstri hendi utan á hlýr öxinni, Nj. 28; Egill laust skildinum við kesjunni, Eg. 378; ok lýstr við atgeirinum, Nj.: of a gale, en er þeir kómu í Veggjaðar-sund, lustu þá veðr, Fms. ix. 21.II. to hit, strike, with a spear or the like; hann var lostinn manns-höfði í gögnum, Edda 55; þá var Knútr lostinn öru til bana, Fms. i. 118; Þjóstólfr skaut broddi, ok laust ( and hit him) undir kverkina, svá at yddi út um hnakkann, vii. 211; maðr skaut ör ór flokki Hákonar ok laust undir kverkina, 273; hann lýstir dýr með hornum sér til matar, Rb. 356; lostinn ( struck) af fjánda, 623. 22: [hence the mod. Norse ljostre = to spear or strike salmon with a fish-spear; cp. ljóstr.]III. the phrases, ljósta árum í sjó, ok róa sem ákafast, to dash the oars into the sea, of the first stroke of the oars, Gísl. 61, Fms. viii. 144; og lustu árum hinn gráa sæ, Od. (in Dr. Egilsson’s version): ljósta eldi í, to put fire to; báru á við ok næfrar ok hálm ok lustu þar í eldi, Fms. ix. 44: ljósta upp herópi, to raise the war cry, vii. 260, 264, Eg. 88: metaph., ljósta e-u upp, to spread a rumour, Fms. x. 120; ljósta upp kvitt, Nj. 107; ljósta e-u við, to put forth, bring up as a pretext, Nj. 99: to pick, næfrar skal hann eigi ljósta til sölu, N. G. L. i. 39 (ii. 138).IV. impers., of a sudden gust of wind, tempest, fire, it blows up of a sudden; þá laust á móti þeim útnyrðingi steinóðum, 656 C. 21; ok láta opna, til þess at þar lysti í vindi, Fms. xi. 34; ok síðan lýstr á íllviðri fyrir þeim, 51; er élinu laust á, ok meðan þat hélzk, 136; laust í móti þeim svá miklu fárviðri, … laust vindi í móti þeim, Gullþ. 6, 8; þvíat myrkri laust yfir allt, Þorst. Síðu H. 10; þá laust eldinum af fuglunum í þekjuna, the thatch caught fire, Fms. vi. 153; þá laust í verkjum, he was taken with sudden pains, viii. 339; þá laust hræðslu í hug þeim, they were panic-stricken, 43: of a battle, fight, e-m lýstr saman, to come to blows, pitched fight; laust saman með þeim snarpri sókn, Odd. 117 new Ed.; ok lýstr þegar í bardaga með þeim bræðrum, Fms. xi. 15; ok laust í bardaga með þeim, Nj. 127; ok er saman laust liðinu, when they came to close fighting, Korm. 170, Fms. viii. 38, Stj. 604; nú lýstr þeim saman, Ísl. ii. 364.V. recipr., ljóstask, to come to blows; ef þrælar manna ljóstask, Grág. ii. 155. -
6 версия
сущ.case;lead;story;version- версия защиты
- версия обвинения
- ложная версия
- официальная версия
- правдивая версияверсия обвиняемого (подсудимого) — accused’s (defendant’s) story
версия, не соответствующая материалам дела — inconsistent story
версия, основанная на прямых доказательствах — direct case; case of direct evidence
версия, противоречащая материалам дела — contradicting (contradictory) story
версия, соответствующая материалам дела — consistent story
выдвигать \версияю — to advance (initiate, set out) a lead; --
доказывать \версияю по делу — to prove a case
опровергать \версияю — to disprove a case
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7 Economy
Portugal's economy, under the influence of the European Economic Community (EEC), and later with the assistance of the European Union (EU), grew rapidly in 1985-86; through 1992, the average annual growth was 4-5 percent. While such growth rates did not last into the late 1990s, portions of Portugal's society achieved unprecedented prosperity, although poverty remained entrenched. It is important, however, to place this current growth, which includes some not altogether desirable developments, in historical perspective. On at least three occasions in this century, Portugal's economy has experienced severe dislocation and instability: during the turbulent First Republic (1911-25); during the Estado Novo, when the world Depression came into play (1930-39); and during the aftermath of the Revolution of 25 April, 1974. At other periods, and even during the Estado Novo, there were eras of relatively steady growth and development, despite the fact that Portugal's weak economy lagged behind industrialized Western Europe's economies, perhaps more than Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar wished to admit to the public or to foreigners.For a number of reasons, Portugal's backward economy underwent considerable growth and development following the beginning of the colonial wars in Africa in early 1961. Recent research findings suggest that, contrary to the "stagnation thesis" that states that the Estado Novo economy during the last 14 years of its existence experienced little or no growth, there were important changes, policy shifts, structural evolution, and impressive growth rates. In fact, the average annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate (1961-74) was about 7 percent. The war in Africa was one significant factor in the post-1961 economic changes. The new costs of finance and spending on the military and police actions in the African and Asian empires in 1961 and thereafter forced changes in economic policy.Starting in 1963-64, the relatively closed economy was opened up to foreign investment, and Lisbon began to use deficit financing and more borrowing at home and abroad. Increased foreign investment, residence, and technical and military assistance also had effects on economic growth and development. Salazar's government moved toward greater trade and integration with various international bodies by signing agreements with the European Free Trade Association and several international finance groups. New multinational corporations began to operate in the country, along with foreign-based banks. Meanwhile, foreign tourism increased massively from the early 1960s on, and the tourism industry experienced unprecedented expansion. By 1973-74, Portugal received more than 8 million tourists annually for the first time.Under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, other important economic changes occurred. High annual economic growth rates continued until the world energy crisis inflation and a recession hit Portugal in 1973. Caetano's system, through new development plans, modernized aspects of the agricultural, industrial, and service sectors and linked reform in education with plans for social change. It also introduced cadres of forward-looking technocrats at various levels. The general motto of Caetano's version of the Estado Novo was "Evolution with Continuity," but he was unable to solve the key problems, which were more political and social than economic. As the boom period went "bust" in 1973-74, and growth slowed greatly, it became clear that Caetano and his governing circle had no way out of the African wars and could find no easy compromise solution to the need to democratize Portugal's restive society. The economic background of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was a severe energy shortage caused by the world energy crisis and Arab oil boycott, as well as high general inflation, increasing debts from the African wars, and a weakening currency. While the regime prescribed greater Portuguese investment in Africa, in fact Portuguese businesses were increasingly investing outside of the escudo area in Western Europe and the United States.During the two years of political and social turmoil following the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the economy weakened. Production, income, reserves, and annual growth fell drastically during 1974-76. Amidst labor-management conflict, there was a burst of strikes, and income and productivity plummeted. Ironically, one factor that cushioned the economic impact of the revolution was the significant gold reserve supply that the Estado Novo had accumulated, principally during Salazar's years. Another factor was emigration from Portugal and the former colonies in Africa, which to a degree reduced pressures for employment. The sudden infusion of more than 600,000 refugees from Africa did increase the unemployment rate, which in 1975 was 10-15 percent. But, by 1990, the unemployment rate was down to about 5-6 percent.After 1985, Portugal's economy experienced high growth rates again, which averaged 4-5 percent through 1992. Substantial economic assistance from the EEC and individual countries such as the United States, as well as the political stability and administrative continuity that derived from majority Social Democratic Party (PSD) governments starting in mid-1987, supported new growth and development in the EEC's second poorest country. With rapid infrastruc-tural change and some unregulated development, Portugal's leaders harbored a justifiable concern that a fragile environment and ecology were under new, unacceptable pressures. Among other improvements in the standard of living since 1974 was an increase in per capita income. By 1991, the average minimum monthly wage was about 40,000 escudos, and per capita income was about $5,000 per annum. By the end of the 20th century, despite continuing poverty at several levels in Portugal, Portugal's economy had made significant progress. In the space of 15 years, Portugal had halved the large gap in living standards between itself and the remainder of the EU. For example, when Portugal joined the EU in 1986, its GDP, in terms of purchasing power-parity, was only 53 percent of the EU average. By 2000, Portugal's GDP had reached 75 percent of the EU average, a considerable achievement. Whether Portugal could narrow this gap even further in a reasonable amount of time remained a sensitive question in Lisbon. Besides structural poverty and the fact that, in 2006, the EU largesse in structural funds (loans and grants) virtually ceased, a major challenge for Portugal's economy will be to reduce the size of the public sector (about 50 percent of GDP is in the central government) to increase productivity, attract outside investment, and diversify the economy. For Portugal's economic planners, the 21st century promises to be challenging. -
8 Foreign policy
The guiding principle of Portuguese foreign policy since the founding of the monarchy in the 12th century has been the maintenance of Portugal's status first as an independent kingdom and, later, as a sovereign nation-state. For the first 800 years of its existence, Portuguese foreign policy and diplomacy sought to maintain the independence of the Portuguese monarchy, especially in relationship to the larger and more powerful Spanish monarchy. During this period, the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, which began with a treaty of commerce and friendship signed between the kings of Portugal and England in 1386 (the Treaty of Windsor) and continued with the Methuen Treaty in 1703, sought to use England ( Great Britain after 1707) as a counterweight to its landward neighbor, Spain.As three invasions of Portugal by Napoleon's armies during the first decade of the 19th century proved, however, Spain was not the only threat to Portugal's independence and security. Portugal's ally, Britain, provided a counterweight also to a threatening France on more than one occasion between 1790 and 1830. During the 19th century, Portugal's foreign policy became largely subordinate to that of her oldest ally, Britain, and standard Portuguese histories describe Portugal's situation as that of a "protectorate" of Britain. In two key aspects during this time of international weakness and internal turmoil, Portugal's foreign policy was under great pressure from her ally, world power Britain: responses to European conflicts and to the situation of Portugal's scattered, largely impoverished overseas empire. Portugal's efforts to retain massive, resource-rich Brazil in her empire failed by 1822, when Brazil declared its independence. Britain's policy of favoring greater trade and commerce opportunities in an autonomous Brazil was at odds with Portugal's desperate efforts to hold Brazil.Following the loss of Brazil and a renewed interest in empire in tropical Africa, Portugal sought to regain a more independent initiative in her foreign policy and, especially after 1875, overseas imperial questions dominated foreign policy concerns. From this juncture, through the first Republic (1910-26) and during the Estado Novo, a primary purpose of Portuguese foreign policy was to maintain Portuguese India, Macau, and its colonies in Africa: Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau. Under the direction of the dictator, Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, further efforts were made to reclaim a measure of independence of foreign policy, despite the tradition of British dominance. Salazar recognized the importance of an Atlantic orientation of the country's foreign policy. As Herbert Pell, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal (1937-41), observed in a June 1939 report to the U.S. Department of State, Portugal's leaders understood that Portugal must side with "that nation which dominates the Atlantic."During the 1930s, greater efforts were made in Lisbon in economic, financial, and foreign policy initiatives to assert a greater measure of flexibility in her dependence on ally Britain. German economic interests made inroads in an economy whose infrastructure in transportation, communication, and commerce had long been dominated by British commerce and investors. Portugal's foreign policy during World War II was challenged as both Allied and Axis powers tested the viability of Portugal's official policy of neutrality, qualified by a customary bow to the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, who served as minister of foreign affairs, as well as prime minister, during 1936-45, sought to sell his version of neutrality to both sides in the war and to do so in a way that would benefit Portugal's still weak economy and finance. Portugal's status as a neutral was keenly tested in several cases, including Portugal's agreeing to lease military bases to Britain and the United States in the Azores Islands and in the wolfram (tungsten ore) question. Portugal's foreign policy experienced severe pressures from the Allies in both cases, and Salazar made it clear to his British and American counterparts that Portugal sought to claim the right to make independent choices in policy, despite Portugal's military and economic weakness. In tense diplomatic negotiations with the Allies over Portugal's wolfram exports to Germany as of 1944, Salazar grew disheartened and briefly considered resigning over the wolfram question. Foreign policy pressure on this question diminished quickly on 6 June 1944, as Salazar decreed that wolfram mining, sales, and exports to both sides would cease for the remainder of the war. After the United States joined the Allies in the war and pursued an Atlantic strategy, Portugal discovered that her relationship with the dominant ally in the emerging United Nations was changing and that the U.S. would replace Britain as the key Atlantic ally during succeeding decades. Beginning in 1943-44, and continuing to 1949, when Portugal became, with the United States, a founding member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Luso-American relations assumed center stage in her foreign policy.During the Cold War, Portuguese foreign policy was aligned with that of the United States and its allies in Western Europe. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the focus of Portuguese foreign policy shifted away from defending and maintaining the African colonies toward integration with Europe. Since Portugal became a member of the European Economic Community in 1986, and this evolved into the European Union (EU), all Portuguese governments have sought to align Portugal's foreign policy with that of the EU in general and to be more independent of the United States. Since 1986, Portugal's bilateral commercial and diplomatic relations with Britain, France, and Spain have strengthened, especially those with Spain, which are more open and mutually beneficial than at any other time in history.Within the EU, Portugal has sought to play a role in the promotion of democracy and human rights, while maintaining its security ties to NATO. Currently, a Portuguese politician, José Manuel Durão Barroso, is president of the Commission of the EU, and Portugal has held the six-month rotating presidency of the EU three times, in 1992, 2000, and 2007. -
9 Tennant, Charles
[br]b. 3 May 1768 Ochiltree, Ayrshire, Scotlandd. 1 October 1838 Glasgow, Scotland[br]Scottish inventor of bleaching powder.[br]After education at the local school, Tennant went to Kilbachan to learn the manufacture of silk. He then went on to Wellmeadow, where he acquired a knowledge of the old bleaching process, which enabled him to establish his own bleachfield at Darnly. The process consisted of boiling the fabric in weak alkali and then laying it flat on the ground to expose it to sun and air for several months. This process, expensive in time and space, would have formed an intolerable bottleneck in the rapidly expanding textile industry, but a new method was on the way. The French chemist Berthollet demonstrated in 1786 the use of chlorine as a bleaching agent and James Watt learned of this while on a visit to Paris. On his return to Glasgow, Watt passed details of the new process on to Tennant, who set about devising his own version of it. First he obtained a bleaching liquor by passing chlorine through a stirred mixture of lime and water. He was granted a patent for this process in 1798, but it was promptly infringed by bleachers in Lancashire. Tennant's efforts to enforce the patent were unsuccessful as it was alleged that others had employed a similar process some years previously. Nevertheless, the Lancashire bleachers had the good grace to present Tennant with a service of plate in recognition of the benefits he had brought to the industry.In 1799 Tennant improved on his process by substituting dry slaked lime for the liquid, to form bleaching powder. This was patented the same year and proved to be a vital element in the advance of the textile industry. The following year, Tennant established his chemical plant at St Roll ox, outside Glasgow, to manufacture bleaching powder and alkali substances. The plant prospered and became for a time the largest chemical works in Europe.[br]Further ReadingL.F.Haber, 1958, The Chemical Industry During the Nineteenth Century, London: Oxford University Press.F.S.Taylor, 1957, A History of Industrial Chemistry, London: Heinemann.Walker, 1862, Memoirs of Distinguished Men of Science of Great Britain Living in 1807– 1808, London, p. 186.LRD -
10 קלל
קָלַל(b. h.) ( to swing) to be light, slender, unimportant.Part. קַל. Snh.VI, 5 (ref. to קללת, Deut. 21:23) בזמן … קַלַּנִי מראשיוכ׳ when man suffers punishment, what does the Shekhinah say? ‘I am lighter than my head, than my arm (euphem. for, I feel my head heavy); Y. ib. 23d bot. אנן תנינן קַלֵּינִי (= קל איני) we read ḳalleni, I am not lighter; אית תניי תני קל אני some Tannai reads ḳal ăni; מאן דאמר קליני לית הוא אלא קליל according to him that reads ḳalleni, it is a euphemistic expression for ‘light (i. e. my head is light, I feel giddy; my arm is light, I feel weak); מאן דאמר קלני … נטיל according to the version ḳallani, it is a euphemistic expression for ‘heavy (i. e. my head, my arm is heavy); Bab. ib. 46b Abbayi says כמאן דאמד קל לית (read ḳalleni) as one says, ‘light (I am) not (i. e. I feel heavy, without euphemism)(which is refuted by Raba, who explains the word in question) קליל לי עלמא, v. קַלִּיל II. Hif. הֵיקַל, הֵקַל, הֵקיל I) to lighten. M. Kat. 17b הכביד … מֵיקַלוכ׳ if the mourners hair is too heavy, he may make it lighter with a razor; Y. ib. III, 82a top. Erub.IV, 9 להָקֵל על העשיר to make it easy for the rich man; a. fr.Trnsf. ה׳ ראשו to be irreverent, talk frivolously (v. קַלּוּת). Ber.IX, 5 לא יָקֵל אדם את ראשו כנגדוכ׳ man (a pilgrim coming to Jerusalem) must not behave irreverently in sight of the eastern gate Yalk. Gen. 24 מֵיקֶלֶת ראשה she is frivolous (light-minded); Yalk. Is. 265 מֵקֶילֶת ראש; (Gen. R. s. 18 מיקרת, v. יָקַר). 2) to be lenient; to incline towards the less restrictive practice, opp. החמיר, v. חָמַר I. Y. M. Kat. l. c. הלכה כדברי מי שהוא מיקל the adopted practice follows the opinion of him who is more lenient; Erub.46a, a. fr. כדברי המיקלוכ׳. Yeb.88a הֵיקַלְתָּ עליה, v. חָמַר I. Pes.52b, v. מַגִּיד. Erub. l. c. wherever you find יחיד מיקל ורביםוכ׳ an individual scholar favoring the more lenient practice against several in favor of restriction. Sabb.129a, a. fr. ספק נפשות להָקל where there is a doubt involving the endangering of human life, the more lenient rule is applied; a. fr. 3) to be sparing, beggarly. Ib. כל המיקל … מְקִילִין לו מזוניתיווכ׳ he that stints himself at the meal taken after bloodletting, to him they in heaven will give his sustenance stintingly; a. e. Pi. קִלֵּל ( to diminish, to curse. Keth.VII, 6 מְקַלֶּלֶת, v. יִוֹלֵד. Sabb.62b שאשתו מְקַלַּלְתּוֹ בפניו whom his wife curses in his presence. Pes.87b (ref. to Prov. 30:10 sq.) אפו׳ דור שאביו יְקַלֵּלוכ׳ even if it be a generation of men that curse their father …, do not denounce Yoma 75a ק׳ את הנחשוכ׳ God cursed the serpent, yet it climbs up the roof and finds its food. Sot.11a (expl. ועלה, Ex. 1:10, as euphem. for ועלינו) כאדם שמְקַלֵּל את עצמווכ׳ like a man that wants to curse himself (express an ill omen about himself), and hangs his curse on others. B. Bath.88b הקב״ה בירך … וקִלְּלָןוכ׳ the Lord blessed Israel with the twenty-two letters of the alphabet (from א of אם, Lev. 26:3, to ת of קוממיות, ib. 13), and cursed them with eight letters (from ו of ואם, ib. 14, to ם of נפשם, ib. 43). Snh.70a מתוך שקלקלו … קִלְּלוֹ ברביעי because Ham injured him by (preventing his begetting) a fourth son, he (Noah) cursed him by his fourth son (Canaan). Ib. 91b כל המונע … שבמעי אמן מְקַלְּלִין אותו (not אמו) he that withholds a tradition from his pupil, even the embryos in their mothers womb will curse him; Yalk. Prov. 947; a. fr. Nithpa. נִתְקַלֵּל to be cursed. Ber.61a בתחלה נ׳ … נִתְקַלְּלָהוכ׳ the serpent was cursed first, and then Eve ; Gen. R. s. 20; Erub.18a. Ib. b נתקללה בבל נִתְקַלְּלוּוכ׳ when Babylon was cursed, her neighbors were cursed. Bekh.8a אם מבהמה נתקללהוכ׳ if she (Eve) was cursed (with prolonged pregnancy) more than cattle Ib. נ׳ הוא … אחת לשבע it (the serpent) was cursed seven times more than certain cattle. Ib. נ׳ הוא מחיה (not נתקלקל); a. fr.Tosef.Sot.II, 3 ניקללה ניוולה, Var. ניקל, read: ניקתה בניוולה, v. נָקָה Nif.) -
11 קָלַל
קָלַל(b. h.) ( to swing) to be light, slender, unimportant.Part. קַל. Snh.VI, 5 (ref. to קללת, Deut. 21:23) בזמן … קַלַּנִי מראשיוכ׳ when man suffers punishment, what does the Shekhinah say? ‘I am lighter than my head, than my arm (euphem. for, I feel my head heavy); Y. ib. 23d bot. אנן תנינן קַלֵּינִי (= קל איני) we read ḳalleni, I am not lighter; אית תניי תני קל אני some Tannai reads ḳal ăni; מאן דאמר קליני לית הוא אלא קליל according to him that reads ḳalleni, it is a euphemistic expression for ‘light (i. e. my head is light, I feel giddy; my arm is light, I feel weak); מאן דאמר קלני … נטיל according to the version ḳallani, it is a euphemistic expression for ‘heavy (i. e. my head, my arm is heavy); Bab. ib. 46b Abbayi says כמאן דאמד קל לית (read ḳalleni) as one says, ‘light (I am) not (i. e. I feel heavy, without euphemism)(which is refuted by Raba, who explains the word in question) קליל לי עלמא, v. קַלִּיל II. Hif. הֵיקַל, הֵקַל, הֵקיל I) to lighten. M. Kat. 17b הכביד … מֵיקַלוכ׳ if the mourners hair is too heavy, he may make it lighter with a razor; Y. ib. III, 82a top. Erub.IV, 9 להָקֵל על העשיר to make it easy for the rich man; a. fr.Trnsf. ה׳ ראשו to be irreverent, talk frivolously (v. קַלּוּת). Ber.IX, 5 לא יָקֵל אדם את ראשו כנגדוכ׳ man (a pilgrim coming to Jerusalem) must not behave irreverently in sight of the eastern gate Yalk. Gen. 24 מֵיקֶלֶת ראשה she is frivolous (light-minded); Yalk. Is. 265 מֵקֶילֶת ראש; (Gen. R. s. 18 מיקרת, v. יָקַר). 2) to be lenient; to incline towards the less restrictive practice, opp. החמיר, v. חָמַר I. Y. M. Kat. l. c. הלכה כדברי מי שהוא מיקל the adopted practice follows the opinion of him who is more lenient; Erub.46a, a. fr. כדברי המיקלוכ׳. Yeb.88a הֵיקַלְתָּ עליה, v. חָמַר I. Pes.52b, v. מַגִּיד. Erub. l. c. wherever you find יחיד מיקל ורביםוכ׳ an individual scholar favoring the more lenient practice against several in favor of restriction. Sabb.129a, a. fr. ספק נפשות להָקל where there is a doubt involving the endangering of human life, the more lenient rule is applied; a. fr. 3) to be sparing, beggarly. Ib. כל המיקל … מְקִילִין לו מזוניתיווכ׳ he that stints himself at the meal taken after bloodletting, to him they in heaven will give his sustenance stintingly; a. e. Pi. קִלֵּל ( to diminish, to curse. Keth.VII, 6 מְקַלֶּלֶת, v. יִוֹלֵד. Sabb.62b שאשתו מְקַלַּלְתּוֹ בפניו whom his wife curses in his presence. Pes.87b (ref. to Prov. 30:10 sq.) אפו׳ דור שאביו יְקַלֵּלוכ׳ even if it be a generation of men that curse their father …, do not denounce Yoma 75a ק׳ את הנחשוכ׳ God cursed the serpent, yet it climbs up the roof and finds its food. Sot.11a (expl. ועלה, Ex. 1:10, as euphem. for ועלינו) כאדם שמְקַלֵּל את עצמווכ׳ like a man that wants to curse himself (express an ill omen about himself), and hangs his curse on others. B. Bath.88b הקב״ה בירך … וקִלְּלָןוכ׳ the Lord blessed Israel with the twenty-two letters of the alphabet (from א of אם, Lev. 26:3, to ת of קוממיות, ib. 13), and cursed them with eight letters (from ו of ואם, ib. 14, to ם of נפשם, ib. 43). Snh.70a מתוך שקלקלו … קִלְּלוֹ ברביעי because Ham injured him by (preventing his begetting) a fourth son, he (Noah) cursed him by his fourth son (Canaan). Ib. 91b כל המונע … שבמעי אמן מְקַלְּלִין אותו (not אמו) he that withholds a tradition from his pupil, even the embryos in their mothers womb will curse him; Yalk. Prov. 947; a. fr. Nithpa. נִתְקַלֵּל to be cursed. Ber.61a בתחלה נ׳ … נִתְקַלְּלָהוכ׳ the serpent was cursed first, and then Eve ; Gen. R. s. 20; Erub.18a. Ib. b נתקללה בבל נִתְקַלְּלוּוכ׳ when Babylon was cursed, her neighbors were cursed. Bekh.8a אם מבהמה נתקללהוכ׳ if she (Eve) was cursed (with prolonged pregnancy) more than cattle Ib. נ׳ הוא … אחת לשבע it (the serpent) was cursed seven times more than certain cattle. Ib. נ׳ הוא מחיה (not נתקלקל); a. fr.Tosef.Sot.II, 3 ניקללה ניוולה, Var. ניקל, read: ניקתה בניוולה, v. נָקָה Nif.)
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